Monday, 6 August 2012

CHC -Executive Summary


Executive Summary
The Scheme
Our health policy envisages a three tier structure comprising the primary, secondary and tertiary
health care facilities to bring health care services within the reach of the people. The primary tier is
designed to have three types of health care institutions, namely, a Sub-Centre (SC) for a  population
of 3000-5000, a Primary Health Centre (PHC) for 20000 to 30000 people and a Community Health
Centre (CHC) as referral centre for every four PHCs covering a population of 80,000 to 1.2 lakh. The
district hospitals were to  function as the secondary tier for the rural health care,  and as the primary
tier for the urban population. The tertiary health care was to be provided by health care institutions in
urban areas which are well equipped with sophisticated diagnostic and investigative facilities.
In pursuance of this policy, a vast network of health care institutions has been created, both in rural
and urban areas, and substantial resources, though inadequate vis-a-vis requirement, have gone
into planning and implementing the health and family welfare programmes. Increased availability and
utilisation of health care services have resulted in a general improvement of the health status of our
population, as is reflected in the increased life expectancy and marked decline in birth and mortality
rates over the last fifty years. However, these achievements are uneven, with marked disparities
across states and districts, and between urban and rural people.
These disparities in the health outcome could be attributed to a large  extent, to the
differential access to health services by different segments of the population. While the demand side
factors do play a role in exercising the choice of the modes of delivery of health care services, for the
vast majority of our people, the access to health care services is determined primarily by the
availability (and the quality of delivery) of public health institutions. This is especially true of the
majority of the rural people, for whom alternatives to the public health services hardly exist.
In fact, the Fifth Five Year Plan document noted with concern the disparities in  access to
health services between urban and rural areas and the tardy implementation of the schemes in the
health sector. The primary rural health care services were brought under the Minimum Needs
Programme (MNP) during the Fifth Plan (1974-79). It was decided to integrate and strengthen the
rural health care institutions through suitable organic  and functional linkages between the different
tiers of the primary health care system.
In this framework, the Community Health Centre (CHC), the third tier of the network of rural health
care units, was required to act primarily as a referral centre (for the neighbouring PHCs, usually 4 in
number) for the patients requiring specialised treatment in the areas of medicine, surgery, paediatrics
and gynaecology. The objective was two-fold; to make modern health care services accessible to the
rural people and to ease the overcrowding of the district hospitals. To enable the CHCs  to contribute
towards meeting the intended  objectives, these were designed to be equipped with: four specialists
in the areas of medicine, surgery, paediatrics and gynaecology;  30 beds for indoor patients;
operation theatre, labour room, X-ray machine, pathological laboratory, standby generator etc. along
with the complementary medical and para medical staff.
Evaluation Study
At the instance of Planning Commission, the Programme Evaluation Organisation undertook the
study to evaluate the functioning of the Community Health Centres (CHCs) and  their effectiveness in
bringing specialised health care within the reach of rural people.

CHC's


PEO Evaluation Studies
Functioning of Community
Health Centres (CHCs)
i Preface
ii Executive Summary
1 Introduction
2 The Evaluation Study- Objectives and Methodology
3 Coverage and Location of CHCs
4 Infrastructure in CHC – Availability and Adequacy
5 Utilisation of Medical Services
6 Family Welfare and National Health Programmes - Role of CHCs..
7 The Utility of CHCs- Beneficiaries’ Views
iii Appendix Tables
iv Project TeamPreface
The Community Health  Centre (CHC), the third tier of the network of rural health care
institutions, was required to act primarily as a referral centre (for the neighbouring PHCs, usually 4 in
number) for the patients requiring specialised health care services. The objective of having a referral
centre for the primary health care institutions was two-fold; to make modern health care services
accessible to the rural people and to ease the overcrowding in the district hospitals.The CHCs were
accordingly designed to be equipped with : four specialists in the areas of medicine, surgery,
paediatrics and gynaecology; 30 beds for indoor patients; operation theatre, labour room,  X-ray
machine, pathological laboratory, standby generator , etc., along with the complementary medical and
para medical staff.
At the instance of Planning Commission, the Programme Evaluation Organisation undertook
the study to evaluate the functioning of the Community Health Centres (CHCs) and their effectiveness
in bringing specialised health care services within the reach of rural people.
Both secondary and primary data were required to be analysed to test the various
hypotheses relating to the above mentioned objectives of the study. While the information available in
published sources was obtained and used wherever necessary, the major part of the data, required
for the study, was generated through a sample survey of 62 PHCs and 31 CHCs spread over the 16
sample districts of eight states selected for the study.
The findings of the Study are as follows:
(a)  Given the other relevant factors, the services of a CHC are likely to be used less intensively, if:
 (i)  its geographical coverage is very large;
 (ii)  it has inadequate medical staff, particularly the specialists; and
(iii)  the mean distance of the PHCs from the CHC is longer.
(b) Some CHCs have been approved without sanctioning all the posts of specialists. Only 30 per cent
of the required posts of the specialists were found to be in position. More than 70 per cent of
the sample CHCs are running either with one specialist or without any specialist.
(c) There is a mis-match between medical specialists vis-a-vis equipments/facilities/ staff, leading to
sub-optimal utilisation of resources. The over- all productivity of the public health services can
substantially be improved if this mis-match as well as thin spread of resources is avoided.
(d) Only two out of 31 CHCs were found to have been used as referral centres to some extent. As
many as 11 CHCs have not attended any referral case, while the remaining 18 have been
used sub-optimally with an average of 206 cases per year. The constraints to utilisation of the
services of CHCs relate to inadequacies of infrastructure, medical and paramedical staff, and
more importantly, the mis-match of various inputs.
(e) Notwithstanding the existing limitations in the services delivery system, a large majority of the
households expressed their strong preference for public health care system as against the private
facilities.
The findings tend to suggest that CHCs have not made any significant contributions towards
realisation of the intended objectives even after about two decades of their establishment. The study has been able to identify a set of key factors that has contributed to the poor performance of CHCs. It
is hoped that the findings of the study will be useful to the planning/ implementing agencies in
introducing the necessary corrective steps for improving the services delivery system.
The study received constant support and encouragement from the Deputy Chairman,
Secretary and Chairman (EAC) of Planning Commission. Dr. (Mrs.) Manjula Chakraborty, the then
Deputy Adviser (PEO) initiated the study, but it was designed and conducted under the direction of
Shri Amar Singh, Deputy Adviser (PEO). The efforts  put in by the officers of PEO (Hqrs.) and
Regional/Project Evaluation Offices under the guidance of Shri V.K. Bhatia, Joint Adviser (PEO) in
completing the study deserve special mention.
The help and cooperation extended by the officers of Union Ministry of Health and Family
Welfare as also the Health and Family Welfare Division of Planning Commission at different stages of
study is gratefully acknowledged.
(S.P. Pal)
Adviser (Evaluation)
New Delhi.
Dated : September, 1999

Haryana lacks in nutrition of its children


Haryana lacks in nutrition of its children

The food surplus status of Haryana conjures up the image of green fields and formidable young men and women, many of whom have made the country proud by winning medals in various sports fields. Ironically, the food surplus state has been found lacking in nutrition of its children.
According to a recent National Family Health Survey III (NFHS III), 46 per cent of children suffer from stunting (height according to age), 43 per cent suffer from underweight (weight according to age) and 19 per cent suffer from wasting (weight according to height) in Haryana.
The anomaly has come to light when it was found that the situation in Haryana on child nutrition front is even worse then 100 backward districts of six states — Bihar, Jharkhand, MP, Orissa, Rajasthan and UP. This was in sharp contrast to Kerela, where only 24 per cent children suffer from stunting, 22 per cent from underweight and 15 per cent from wasting.
The fact has been corroborated by another independent study by the Kuruksherta University. Associate professor Dr Rajeswari, in his study “spatial pattern of child nutrition in rural Haryana: A socio-economic analysis,” says that it was surprising to find a shocking proportion of child malnutrition.
The study is based on the primary data collected from 1,440 households spread over 16 villages in eight districts of the state. “Child malnutrition was measured in terms of long-term nutritional intake i.e. height for age and a comprehensive indicator of long and short-term dietary and illness episodes i.e. weight for age,” she said.
The analysis revealed that child malnutrition was pervasive, irrespective of spatial and social status. The study also pointed towards some serious and urgent need to take short and long-term measures to achieve nutritional security in the state.
Among short-term measures, it suggested the need for an awareness campaign for healthy dietary practices as well as special attention towards maternal health as more than 60 per cent of expectant mothers were found anaemic, who gave birth to low-weight babies.

Child malnutrition rises in India despite economic boom

http://www.thelancet.com/journals/lancet/article/PIIS0140-6736(07)60650-3/fulltext


Child malnutrition rises in India despite economic boom

The growth of India's economy during the past decade has had little effect on the nutritional status of its youngest citizens. Even in affluent states, the percentage of underweight children younger than 3 years has risen over the past 10 years. Patralekha Chatterjee reports.
Chandigarh, the joint capital of Haryana and Punjab—two of India's richest states—is an elegant city, with the highest yearly per head income in the country. The signs of affluence are everywhere: glitzy malls, luxury cars, and a high-spending middle class. But on the outskirts of this town, the underbelly of India's booming economy is clearly visible.
In the Azadpur slum, crouched on the floor of her one-room shack, Krishna Devi, twenty-something and 8 months pregnant with her second child, looks listlessly out the door. Her husband, Hriday Ram, a migrant, works as a gardener in middle-class homes. Theirs is a hand-to-mouth existence. But the future holds more promise than in their native village in the under-resourced, over populated state of Uttar Pradesh.
Krishna is anaemic. Kiran, her 2 year-old son, is severely malnourished. Although anaemia can be tackled with iron and folic acid tablets, Krishna is unaware of their importance. A tin of protein supplements and packs of iron and folic acid tablets lie on a shelf in the corner of the room, unconsumed. “I did not like the taste”, she says.
Krishna has had no antenatal check ups to date. A private doctor prescribed expensive protein supplements but did not explain the need for an iron-rich diet during pregnancy. Every morning, Krishna gives her son a cup of milk diluted with water along with a few biscuits. Like most people in the Azadpur slum, Krishna's contact with the public-health system is negligible.
Despite having an economy growing at nearly 10% a year, widespread malnutrition, and its associated health problems, such as anaemia, remain one of India's formidable challenges.
In February this year, UNICEF officials created a stir by telling a gathering of national and international journalists in Delhi that an Indian child is more likely to be malnourished than a child in Ethiopia, the Horn of Africa nation known for its periodic droughts, famines, and long civil conflict and border war with Eritrea.
The comment stemmed from India's 2005-06 National Family Health Survey (NFHS), which reveals that almost half of Indian children younger than 3 years are underweight. The results show that the malnutrition crisis is not confined to migrants huddled in urban shanties like Krishna and her family. Anaemia and undernutrition in small children and pregnant women in their prime is growing, even in India's prosperous states like Haryana.
Life in Dundahera village in the Gurgaon district of Haryana, offers a glimpse of perhaps why economic boom is not translating into better maternal and child health in India. In recent years, Gurgaon has emerged as one of India's hottest outsourcing hubs. Shopping centres, multinational companies, and industrial complexes dot the cityscape. Eager to tap the emerging commercial opportunities, Dunadhera's farmers are selling their land to builders. New houses have been built to accommodate the growing number of migrant families streaming into the area to fuel the economic boom. Many families who have sold their land have suddenly become rich. But within the family and this highly patriarchal society, the status of women has scarcely improved.
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Full-size image (50K) Patralekha Chatterjee
A charity worker talks to a family in the Azadpur slum about the basics of a nutritious diet
“Alcoholism is on the rise in Dundahera. The new rich spend their extra cash on beautifying their house, on clothes, and gadgets. The health of the woman is not a top priority for most families. Even if the family owns cattle, they will prefer to sell most of the milk. There is no one really to ensure that an expecting mother eats well. More money in hand does not mean healthy mothers and children”, says Sharda, a village-level anganwadi (child development and nutrition) worker.
The latest NFHS data are preliminary findings. Detailed analyses are awaited, but nevertheless, the current findings have sparked justifiable concern: 41·9% of children under 3 years in Haryana were clinically underweight (too thin for their age) in 2005—06 compared with 34·4% in 1998—99. During the same period, the number of children younger than 3 years who are too thin for their height rose from 5·3% to 16·7%. Disturbingly, the new data also reveal that 69·7% of pregnant women in the 15—49 year age group in Haryana are anaemic compared with 55·7% 7 years ago.
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Full-size image (63K) Patralekha Chatterjee
Life on the outskirts of Chandigarh is very different from its bustling financial centre
The discrimination against girls and women in affluent Haryana might explain some of the increase in anaemia. Girls continue to be worse fed than boys in most families, especially in rural areas.
The latest NFHS data also support other recent sample surveys in the state. A community-based study in ten villages in Haryana in 2004—05 found that 25 out of every 100 newborn babies in rural Haryana are low birthweight (less than 2500g at the time of birth). The prevalence of low birthweight babies in rural Haryana has remained nearly constant for the past two decades, despite the state's rapid economic progress.
“The problem of low birthweight is due to inadequate food intake and maternal anaemia. There is little awareness among mothers about what food to eat, how much to eat, and an inability to co-relate the food intake with the outcomes. If this is showing up as low birthweight and child malnutrition, failure to identify maternal anaemia is to blame”, says Arun Aggarwal, one of the researchers on the study based at The Postgraduate Institute of Medical Education and Research in Chandigarh.
“Pregnant women take tetanus toxoid injections. So, there is a contact with the health-care system but this is not translating into awareness about anaemia. Health workers in the villages rarely conduct haemoglobin tests on pregnant women.”
“Other problems on the ground include irregular supplies of the reagent required to conduct haemoglobin tests. Tetanus toxoid has been flagged, anaemia has not. The community health worker is supposed to identify anaemic women on laboratory and other clinical parameters and provide double dose of iron folic tablets but such tablets also are often in short supply. There is an urgent need to make the monitoring and evaluation system for maternal anaemia more rigorous”, Aggarwal told The Lancet. By the time, the anaemia is diagnosed in a pregnant woman, it is often too late.
However, there are signs of change. The Government of Haryana and UNICEF have signed a Memorandum of Understanding to work together to improve social indicators for women and children in the state. Recently, the Haryana Government has set up a state-level steering committee on nutrition. Attempts are finally being made to address the root causes affecting child nutrition. And following the advice of community doctors, health and nutrition workers have begun focusing on the health of the adolescent girl.
“If we want to fight under-nutrition among small children, we have to target mothers before they become pregnant. Today, we are targeting young girls—those who are in the 11 to 18 year age group, who are likely to become young mothers in a few years, through ‘balika mandals’ (support groups of young girls). We counsel them about health and hygiene, about deworming, prepare them for motherhood, sensitise them about the need to take iron tablets. This goes hand-in-hand with our continuing work with expecting mothers”, says Chanchal Dhalwal, who is in-charge of Gurgaon district's Integrated Child Development Services—a nation-wide nutrition and health programme that serves millions of women and children.
The Haryana Government has also decentralised the supplementary nutrition scheme to improve efficiency. Now, self-help groups of women are given cash to procure raw materials locally and make local preparations.
Other attempts to improve maternal health and nutrition include “best mother contests”. Best mothers are those with the best scores in a health education quiz.
“The contests, which began 3 years ago, are intended to get mothers hooked to the health-care system. The initiative is now being taken to other districts in Haryana. It is slow process but women are becoming more nutritionally literate in [the] Gurgaon district and severe malnutrition among children under 6 [years] is going down”, adds Dhalwal.